Westermarck Investigates the Intricacies of the Culture of the Imazighen of Morocco

Mohamed Chtatou, PhD
Mohamed V University, Rabat

Edvard Westermarck's reasons for choosing Morocco

Finnish anthropologist and philosopher Edvard Westermarck (1862-1939), renowned for his work on ethics,[1] marriage and religion, devoted almost forty years of his life to the study of Morocco. Through successive visits between 1898 and 1926, he built up an exceptional ethnographic corpus on the religious practices, rituals and social structures of the Moroccan populations, particularly the Amazigh/Berber.[2]

Why did a European intellectual, trained in the positivist and evolutionist tradition, turn to Morocco?[3] This geographical, cultural and methodological choice of field had several motivations: an intellectual quest, political accessibility to the country, and a personal fascination for a culture perceived as both archaic and alive.

Edvard Westermarck is best known for his work on morality, marriage,[4] and incest, as well as for his fieldwork in Morocco,[5] particularly among the Imazighen/Berbers in the early 20th century.[6] He is considered one of the first ethnographers to conduct intensive field research in Morocco, at a time when anthropology was still highly theoretical and Eurocentric. He is, also, considered one of the pioneers of modern social anthropology.[7] He has held professorships at the University of Helsinki and the London School of Economics.[8]

On the ethnographic work of Westermarck, Andrew Lyons wrote:

In 1893 Westermarck began his teaching career at Helsingfors (Helsinki), an association which lasted 25 years. He was to become Professor of Philosophy there in 1907. In 1898, Westermarck began fieldwork in Morocco. He was to make as many as 21 visits to the country over a 30-year period, spending a total of 7 years there. Much of his fieldwork was conducted in summers before and a few years after the Great War, but there were also protracted stays, including one continuous stay of two years and two months (1900-1902). Westermarck’s magnum opus, the two-volume, Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, was published in 1906-1908. It reflected his command of written sources in anthropology, moral philosophy and psychology, but it also incorporated findings from his Moroccan fieldwork. By the time it appeared Westermarck was holding appointments in two universities in different countries, the London School of Economics (from 1904) and Helsingfors. In 1906, he was appointed Professor of Philosophy in Helsingfors, and in 1907 became Martin White Professor of Sociology at the London School of Economics (LSE). Usually he would teach for two terms in Finland, teach for a term in London and then spend the summer in Morocco. His monograph, Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco, appeared in 1914.[9] 

He resided in Tangier for several years and was interested in Moroccan society, particularly its social structures, legal customs, popular religious beliefs,[10] and rituals. He is best known for his theory of early sexual aversion (now known as the Westermarck Effect).[11]

At a time when most anthropologists studied “from a distance”, Westermarck opted for direct immersion. Pre-colonial Morocco, rich in social, religious and legal diversity, offered him a unique terrain. He focused on rural populations, Amazigh/Berber tribes and dealt with popular religious practices.

He began visiting Morocco regularly as early as 1898, mainly in Tangiers, where he established an observation base for around 30 years. At the time, Morocco was still an independent sultanate, but under colonial influence (French protectorate in 1912, and Spanish in the north). He was one of the first to observe Amazigh/Berber and Arab tribal societies from the interior, particularly in the Rif and High Atlas mountains.

Morocco enabled Westermarck to confront his philosophical theories (notably on the origins of morality and religion) with concrete social practices. He sought to observe societies where modern institutions had not yet “dissolved” popular beliefs: “Nowhere else have I seen religious customs so intimately bound up with the life of the people.”[12]

For Westermarck, rural Morocco represents a “society in its raw state”, allowing to trace the original forms of religious thought, notably through witchcraft, prophylactic practices and the cult of saints.[13]

His aim was to document the evolution of human thought from magic to religion, and then to rationality. In this, his approach remains marked by the dominant evolutionary paradigm of his time.[14]

At the end of the 19th century, Morocco remained an independent state, outside of the African colonial divide, but under increasing pressure from the European powers. This intermediate situation offered freer access to rural, less Islamized regions, without the cumbersome administrative constraints of the French or British colonies. In relation to this, Westermarck points out : “I found it easier to obtain permission to travel and settle among the tribes in Morocco than in any other Muslim country.”[15]

He was also one of the first Europeans to reside for long periods in certain Amazigh/Berber-speaking areas, notably in northern Morocco/Rif, Atlas Mountains and southern Morocco. His ability to live in contact with the local population, learn the language and forge ties opened up an exceptional terrain for the time. 

Westermarck made no secret of his fascination with Amazigh culture, which he admired for its attachment to tradition, its customary legal system, and the richness of its popular beliefs. He is impressed by the social intelligence of collective practices: “The Berbers, though mostly illiterate, have evolved intricate rules of justice, hospitality, and spiritual life.”[16]

But this admiration remains ambivalent: it is tinged with an exoticizing gaze, typical of colonial anthropology. As Talal Asad points out, even “empathetic” anthropologists produce asymmetrical knowledge, rooted in a relationship of domination: “The anthropologist, however sympathetic, speaks from a position of epistemic authority over the other.”[17] Nevertheless, Westermarck stands out for his willingness to describe without judging, and to question the internal logics of the rituals observed.

Morocco, for Westermarck, is at once an intellectual laboratory, an accessible space for observation, and a source of ethnographic wonder. His choice of terrain, far from being anodyne, responds to a vision of the world marked by the search for origins and cultural comparison.

Despite the limitations of his theoretical framework, notably evolutionary, his work remains a founding pillar of Moroccan anthropology.[18] Even today, his detailed descriptions help us to better understand the symbolic, religious and social dynamics of Amazigh societies, while calling for a critical re-reading in the light of post-colonial issues.

Why did Westermarck study the Imazighen of Morocco?

At the end of the 19th century, Edvard Westermarck began a series of extended stays in Morocco, where he devoted himself to studying the religious, social, and legal practices of the Imazighen/Berbers, particularly in the mountainous regions of the High Atlas and southern Morocco. [19] This choice may seem surprising for a Finnish thinker trained in moral philosophy and European positivism. [20] So why this detour to the Maghreb? Why, of all the so-called “traditional” societies, did Westermarck specifically choose the Imazighen/Berbers of Morocco as the object of his observation and reflection?[21]

We will see that this choice reflects three intertwined rationales: an intellectual quest, a historical opportunity, and a cultural fascination, all embedded in the colonial and scientific context of the turn of the 20th century.

Trained in philosophy and sociology, Westermarck sought to identify the foundations of universal moral beliefs and practices. According to him, rural societies, little influenced by urbanization or literate Islam, offered an ideal terrain for studying religion in its most “primitive” form: “I wished to examine religious beliefs where they are still closely connected with everyday life and less formalized by theology.”[22] The Imazighen of Morocco, particularly those of the countryside and mountains, appeared to him to be conservative societies, where oral tradition and pre-Islamic rites survived. Their study allowed him, from his perspective, to access original forms of religious thought, essential to inform his work on morality and magic.[23] 

Early 20th-century Morocco also represented a logistical and political opportunity. Even before the French Protectorate of 1912, the country attracted European researchers because it was still largely independent, yet sufficiently accessible for observation.

Westermarck took advantage of the political climate to travel freely throughout the Amazigh/Berber-speaking regions, sometimes on horseback, sometimes on foot, accompanied by local guides. He even settled in villages, participating in daily activities, which allowed him to observe practices rarely described before.[24] On this he says: “In no other country have I found the same opportunity to see rites and beliefs practiced so openly, without interference.”[25] His choice of Morocco was also part of the logic of accumulating ethnographic knowledge during the colonial era, when each empire sought to better understand the societies it administered or coveted.

Throughout his stays, Westermarck developed a genuine admiration for the social organization of the Amazigh, which he considered egalitarian, pragmatic, and based on community values: “The Berbers, although often illiterate, have developed a remarkable customary law system, with precise rules and strong moral sanctions.”[26] He particularly admired the flexibility of customary justice, tribal cohesion, and local forms of spirituality. He noted the importance of marabouts, saints,[27] collective rituals, and prophylactic practices, all analyzed in terms of their social functions. His approach distinguished him from many contemporary Orientalists, who viewed these practices as purely “superstitious.”[28]

However, as Talal Asad notes, even the most respectful researchers participate in the construction of an asymmetrical knowledge, where the European perspective frames otherness according to its own categories: “Even when sympathetic, the anthropologist speaks from a position of epistemological superiority.”[29]

Main works from his Moroccan research

Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco (1914, two volumes)

Published in 1914, Edvard Westermarck's two-volume Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco [30] is one of the first major ethnographic studies of matrimonial practices in Morocco, particularly among the Amazigh population. Far from being a simple folkloric description, Westermarck's study is part of a rigorous anthropological approach, based on prolonged field observation and meticulous data collection. Westermarck analyzes marriage as a social, religious and symbolic institution, closely linked to Amazigh community structures. His work, despite its descriptive richness, bears the marks of a European view of cultural otherness, and how it can be reread today in the light of postcolonial critiques.[31]

Westermarck's interest in marriage is not limited to the union between two individuals. [32] He perceives this institution as a total ritual (in the sense that Mauss[33] would later theorize), engaging social, economic, symbolic and religious dimensions. He writes: “The marriage ceremony is the most important event in the life of a Berber individual. It binds not only persons, but families, and ultimately tribes.”[34]

Marriage ceremonies are long, sometimes spanning several days, and include:

• Negotiations between families;

• Purification rites;

• Codified songs and dances;

• Animal sacrifices to ward off the evil eye; and

• Symbols of fertility and protection.

These elements show that marriage is an occasion for reinforcing social order, but also for ritual dialogue with invisible forces (djinns,[35] saints, spirits, etc.). 

Westermarck pays particular attention to gendered roles in ceremonies, observing that women play a central role, particularly in singing, lamenting, preparing bodies and transmitting certain ritual knowledge : “Women are not passive participants; they are the guardians of ritual knowledge and the keepers of communal honour.”[36] He also shows that marriage is less a personal choice than a negotiated social act, often at the service of tribal alliances, economic stability or the reproduction of a symbolic order. This places Amazigh practices within a collective logic, where the individual is inserted into a network of obligations and exchanges, sometimes far removed from Western representations of the romantic union.

Although Westermarck shows a sincere respect for Amazigh culture and a rigorous curiosity, his gaze remains marked by the evolutionary anthropology of his time. He saw in Amazigh matrimonial practices a trace of an earlier stage in human evolution: “The marriage customs of the Berbers show us how early institutions of family and kinship must have functioned before the rise of complex religions and states.”[37] Such a reading tends to freeze Amazigh societies in an archaic past, positioning them as “others” in a shifted temporality. Talal Asad warns against this type of posture: “Even when ethnographers describe with empathy, they do so from a position of epistemic authority.”[38]

Westermarck's approach, though advanced for its time, thus participates in a colonial knowledge, which describes without really letting the local actors themselves speak.

Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco is a major work in the history of Moroccan anthropology and ethnography. Westermarck's scope, precision and attention to detail have made it possible to document a ritual and symbolic richness little known in Europe. The work remains a valuable source for contemporary anthropologists, particularly in the study of Amazigh rituals, alliance systems and ritual performance. [39] However, this work must also be reread with a critical eye, attentive to the theoretical frameworks of the time and the power relations implicit in any colonial ethnographic undertaking. The challenge today is to complement and reinterpret these archives through the words of the Amazigh communities themselves.

Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926, two volumes)

Published in two volumes in 1926, Ritual and Belief in Morocco [40] is the culmination of more than twenty years of ethnographic observation by Edvard Westermarck among Moroccan populations, particularly the Amazigh/Berber. The author, already known for his work on morality and marriage, develops an ambitious ethnography focusing on magico-religious beliefs, saints, spirits, taboos and ritual practices.[41] Westermarck seeks to demonstrate that these practices - too often described as “superstitions” by colonial observers - are endowed with coherent internal logics, and that they reveal a rich and structured cosmology.[42]

The originality of Ritual and Belief in Morocco lies in the scope of the investigation carried out: Westermarck visited numerous rural regions of Morocco, particularly in the Middle and High Atlas, where he was able to observe practices that had not yet been described. He explains his method as follows: “I have taken down these beliefs and rites not from books, but from the lips of the people who practice them.”[43]

The book covers a wide range of themes:

• Witchcraft (sihr), protection against the evil eye ('ayn);

• The cult of saints (awliyâ’) and visit of shrines (ziyâra);

• Offerings, taboos, festivals and curses; and

• Invisible spirits (jnun) and souls (rūḥ, âr).

By systematically cross-referencing Moroccan practices with other traditions (Finnish, Arab, Mediterranean), he adopts a comparative and evolutionary approach, aiming to place these rites within a universal history of beliefs.[44]

Unlike some of his contemporaries, Westermarck does not scorn popular beliefs. He insists on their own rationality, often linked to social, psychological or symbolic needs. He writes: “What we call superstition is in reality often the expression of a profound belief in causality, order and the power of the sacred.”[45] The cult of saints, for example, is seen as a social institution for channeling individual demands for healing, justice or fertility. Prophylactic practices (amulets, incense, holy water, sacrifices) aim to establish a boundary between the human world and invisible forces.

Westermarck describes at length the ambivalent power of the jinn (jnun), capable of possession, hurt and disease: “The jnun are feared not because they are evil by nature, but because they are powerful and unpredictable.”[46] These beliefs are analyzed as mechanisms for managing risk and explaining the inexplicable, integrated into everyday life.[47]

Although the work remains a major reference, it is not immune to criticism. Firstly, Westermarck's evolutionary vision sometimes leads him to consider Amazigh culture as a survival of an archaic past. [48] He says that: “The rites I have witnessed in Morocco are similar in form to those found in ancient Greece or among the primitive tribes of the Pacific.”[49] This type of analogy tends to deny the contemporaneity and specificity of Moroccan practices, reducing them to a “stage” of humanity.

As Talal Asad has observed, the European anthropologist, however benevolent, produces knowledge marked by an asymmetrical relationship: “Anthropology is never outside power ; it functions within the unequal encounter of colonizer and colonized.”[50] As for Abdellah Hammoudi, he points out that Westermarck's interpretations, however precise, leave little room for the voice of the subjects studied: “He describes with care, but without always restoring the indigenous logics that give meaning to these practices.”[51]

Ritual and Belief in Morocco is a monumental work, reflecting a deep respect for Moroccan folk cultures. Through his empirical approach, rigor and comparative sensibility, Westermarck has opened up an entire field of research into beliefs, saints, rituals and relations with the sacred in Morocco. But this work must be reread today with a critical eye, aware of the epistemological and political stakes of colonial ethnography. If Westermarck has made a major contribution to making known the richness of Amazigh culture, it is our duty as contemporary researchers to give a voice back to the communities themselves, and to value their own interpretations of ritual and the sacred.[52] 

Wit and Wisdom in Morocco (1930)

In Wit and Wisdom in Morocco (1930),[53] Edvard Westermarck, in collaboration with linguist R. Brown, proposes an original approach to Amazigh and Moroccan culture through the study of proverbs. Unlike his previous works, which focused on religious rites (Ritual and Belief in Morocco, 1926) or marriage ceremonies (Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco, 1914), this book gives voice to popular wisdom itself. Drawing on a vast collection of sayings, Westermarck seeks to understand how Moroccans, and the Imazighen in particular, think, judge and structure the world. This essay analyzes the content and anthropological scope of this work, highlighting its contributions and limitations in the light of contemporary critical approaches.

Wit and Wisdom in Morocco brings together over 2,800 proverbs, mainly from Amazigh (translated from Tamazight) and dialectal Arabic oral traditions, collected in several regions of Morocco. This compilation is not purely literary; it is part of an anthropological project. [54] Westermarck explains that proverbs “reflect a people's deepest ideas about morality, social life and human relationships.”[55] Through them, it is possible, according to him, to grasp the Amazigh “mentality,” particularly with regard to:

• Gender roles;

• Hospitality and honor;

• Power relations; and

• Religious and supernatural beliefs.

For example, an Amazigh proverb translated and commented on in the book reads: “A man without vengeance is like a goat without horns,” underlining the importance of honor and reciprocity in rural societies.[56]

The study of proverbs enables Westermarck to develop a moral anthropology, i.e. an analysis of the implicit norms that govern society.[57] He notes, for example: “Proverbs reveal that popular justice rests less on formal rules than on social equilibria sensitive to shame, prestige and reputation.”[58]

This work goes beyond folklore. It enables us to draw up a mental map of traditional Amazigh values, which often escape conventional institutional or religious approaches. The proverbs about women, though sometimes tinged with misogyny, also show tensions about female power: “She cries when she wants, and she laughs when she's got what she wants.”[59] Westermarck emphasizes the pragmatic, ironic character of these maxims, which reflect a disillusioned yet lucid view of life.

Despite its originality, Westermarck's approach is not free of bias. His position as a foreigner, collecting and translating proverbs into a language that is not his own,[60] raises questions of interpretation and fidelity.[61] What's more, the selection of proverbs and their commentary sometimes reflect the prejudices of the time, particularly in judgments on male-female relations or supposedly “primitive” attitudes.[62]

Wit and Wisdom in Morocco remains a pioneering work in the history of Moroccan anthropology. By giving central importance to the proverbial speech of the Imazighen, Westermarck reveals an aspect of oral culture often overlooked by colonial researchers. This work contributed to bringing Amazigh orality into the scientific field and continues to fuel reflections on popular wisdom, everyday morality, and social structures in the Maghreb.[63] But this work must now be critically reread, taking into account the challenges of translation, power relations, and the need to allow the populations concerned to interpret their own culture.

Methodology and scientific approach in the study of Amazigh culture

Edvard Westermarck, is renowned for his in-depth research on North African societies, particularly the Amazigh/Berber societies of Morocco. His major work, Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926), constitutes one of the richest bodies of work on popular religious practices from the early 20th century. Beyond its descriptive richness, the distinctive feature of Westermarck's work lies in its rigorous methodology, combining direct observation, oral collection, and comparative classification. This essay aims to analyze the nature and scope of his scientific approach in the context of the study of Amazigh culture.

Westermarck adopted an empirical method close to what would later be called participant observation, long before it became a pillar of modern anthropology. He spent a long time in Morocco, learned Moroccan dialectal Arabic, and lived among the local populations, particularly in the Berber-speaking regions: “I made careful notes of every fact and every custom as it was told to me, verifying by repeated inquiries.”[64] He emphasized the importance of cross-checking facts, avoiding speculative interpretations as much as possible. His close approach, without becoming an “insider,” allowed him to describe popular beliefs often overlooked by Moroccan scholars themselves.

One of the defining features of the Westermarckian approach is its systematic classification of cultural practices. The collected data are sorted according to themes—sacrifice, saints, witchcraft, the evil eye, spirits, etc.—and compared with facts observed elsewhere: “In all this, I have attempted not only to describe, but to compare these beliefs with those of other primitive peoples.”[65] Westermarck thus follows a comparative evolutionary tradition, inspired by thinkers like Frazer.[66] He postulates a progression of human thought, going from the magical to the religious, and then to the rational. This approach, although criticized today, aimed to place Amazigh facts within a global history of religion.[67]

Westermarck's methodology is not without limitations, particularly due to his evolutionary theoretical framework, which sometimes leads him to describe Amazigh beliefs as “primitive superstitions”: “These superstitions, irrational as they may seem, are powerful forces in the moral life of the Berbers.”[68] This hierarchical view has been challenged by postcolonial anthropologists such as Talal Asad, who criticizes the claim of objective knowledge coming from a Western observer: “Anthropological knowledge is never neutral; it is shaped by power relations embedded in the colonial encounter.”[69]

Despite these biases, Westermarck's work is distinguished by its thoroughness, its desire to reconstruct indigenous logics, and its exceptional documentary contribution. It still constitutes an essential empirical basis for studies on Amazigh culture, as Abdellah Hammoudi has acknowledged: “Westermarck, despite his ideological framework, provides invaluable ethnographic material that helps to reconstruct the religious and symbolic order of Moroccan rural society.”[70]

Westermarck distinguished himself from his contemporaries by:

• Prolonged immersion in the environment studied, learning the language (Moroccan Arabic, some Amazigh).

  Empirical attention to detail: he took notes on local rites, beliefs, kinship rules and institutions.

• A positivist approach, influenced by Spencer's sociology[71] and the beginnings of British social anthropology.

• Participant observation (living among Moroccans, learning their language, attending rituals).

• Direct interviews with local informants.

• Empirical, comparative and positive approach (influenced by 19th-century European rationalism).

He was equally interested in the social, religious, psychological and legal aspects of daily life. However, he does not completely escape certain orientalist visions, albeit more nuanced than those of his colonial contemporaries. Westermarck introduced a pioneering methodology in the study of Amazigh culture, based on direct observation, documentary rigor, and intercultural comparison.

Despite the limitations of his theoretical framework, his work remains a major reference, not only for its content, but also for the method it pioneered: that of a field anthropology, patient and attentive to the details of local life. In the postcolonial era, his work deserves to be reread critically, but also recognized for its founding contribution to Moroccan anthropology.

The concept of the evil eye among the Amazigh/Berbers in Westermarck's work: between protective belief and social interpretation

Among the many popular beliefs documented by Edvard Westermarck in Morocco, that of the evil eye ('ayn) occupies a central place. In his two major ethnographic works-Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco (1914) and Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926)-the Finnish anthropologist describes in detail this belief, shared in the Amazigh/Berber communities of the Atlas Mountains and throughout the Maghreb. He sees it both as a manifestation of an animist religious foundation and as a social mechanism for regulating tensions, particularly those related to wealth, fertility, or success. The evil eye, as described by Westermarck, reveals not only a particular cosmology but also a social mechanism of control, before examining the limitations and contributions of his analysis in light of modern anthropological critiques.

The evil eye refers to an involuntary or intentional malevolent force emanating from a person's gaze, generally motivated by envy, which causes misfortune, illness, or sterility to others. This belief, far from being marginal, is, according to Westermarck, ubiquitous in Amazigh/Berber society: “Belief in the evil eye is universal in Morocco; it is feared more than sorcery or the djinn, and its effects are considered immediate and dangerous.”[72] The author specifies that certain individuals are reputed to “have the eye,” often in spite of themselves, and that they should avoid offering compliments without protective phrases. The gaze is considered an active force, linked to jealousy (ḥasad): “The eye is thought to emit a subtle influence, especially when it is guided by envy or intense admiration.”[73]

Westermarck devotes extensive pages to describing ways to prevent or neutralize the evil eye. Among the most common:

• Talismans (ḥrūz) containing Quranic verses or geometric symbols.

• The use of indigo blue or kohl, believed to divert evil attention.

• Practices of deliberate defilement: concealing a child's beauty with soot or old clothes.

• The ritual slaughter of an animal, whose blood protects the place or newborns.

He also emphasizes that these practices are not superstitious in the Western sense, but rather organized within a coherent belief system: “These rituals are not mere relics of primitive fear; they form a consistent and integrated part of everyday life.”[74] He perceives a social and symbolic logic in this array of gestures: the protected child, the purified house, or the hidden fiancée are all ways of restoring a threatened balance.

What is striking about Westermarck is that he sees the evil eye as a tool for analyzing social relations. He associates this belief with phenomena such as envy, rivalry, and suspicion: “The belief in the evil eye is not only a fear of magic but a reflection of social relations, especially where envy and inequality prevail.”[75] He notes that the most beautiful children, wealthy landowners, or young brides are the most vulnerable to the eye. This social fear of jealousy functions as a form of symbolic control: it encourages modesty, sharing, and discretion in the expression of happiness.

From a more contemporary perspective, Abdellah Hammoudi emphasizes that these beliefs are not mere “survivals,” but active forms of regulating symbolic power: “Belief in the ‘ayn is part of a political field of everyday life, where power relations are coded and ritualized.”[76]

However, Westermarck remains marked by an evolutionary vision: he sometimes considers the evil eye as a “relict” of a primitive era. He writes: “The evil eye may be classified among primitive superstitions, though its persistence in many societies shows its deep psychological roots.”[77] Nevertheless, he has the merit of treating this phenomenon seriously, far from the classic colonial disdain. He attributes to it a moral, social, and religious dimension, which constitutes a step forward in the anthropological understanding of popular religion.

Today, his work can be revisited from the perspective of critical anthropology, as has been done by Talal Asad and Jeanne Favret-Saada, emphasizing the implicit power dynamics and the centrality of language and ritual in witchcraft and protection practices.

By analyzing the concept of the evil eye among the Amazigh/Berbers, Westermarck provides a remarkably subtle ethnographic account. He successfully connects everyday symbolic practices to broader social structures, using both a descriptive and analytical perspective. Despite the limitations of his theoretical framework, his work remains an essential resource for understanding how Berber societies conceive of vulnerability, jealousy, and protection. Reread today, it continues to illuminate the invisible forms of power in popular religion and the ways in which societies shape ritual responses to uncertainty and injustice.

The concept of sacrifice among the Amazigh/Berbers in Westermarck's work: Between propitiatory rite and social structure 

Sacrifice occupies a central place in the religious and social practices of the Imazighen/Berbers of Morocco, and this is what Edvard Westermarck meticulously observed in his ethnographic studies conducted at the beginning of the 20th century. In his two major works, Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco (1914) and, especially, Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926), he devotes several chapters to this practice, which he never reduces to a simple religious act, but situates in a symbolic, social, and psychological dimension.

Sacrifice, in this context, aims to achieve good fortune, appease spirits, seal pacts, and mark major life transitions. The objective is to show how Westermarck analyzes sacrifice as a multifunctional ritual, revealing both the mental structures of Amazigh/Berber societies and the social relationships that permeate them.

Among the Imazighen/Berbers, sacrifice is not exclusively linked to major Muslim festivals such as Eid al-Adha, but is present in a whole series of daily or circumstantial rituals: healing, birth, marriage, protection against the evil eye, etc. Westermarck writes: “The offering of a sacrificial animal is regarded as the most effective means of obtaining divine favor or protection from evil spirits.”[78]

Sacrifice therefore serves as a mechanism of exchange with the invisible world. The act of killing an animal is not gratuitous: it is addressed either to God, a local saint, or invisible entities such as djinn. The goal is always to establish communication, or even a form of ritual contract. As Westermarck explains: “A sacrifice is frequently offered as part of a vow or in fulfillment of one already made.”[79]

Westermarck also emphasizes the social function of sacrifice, particularly in tribal settings. He describes how sacrifice becomes a collective act that strengthens social cohesion: “Sacrifices are often offered in a communal setting, especially at the tombs of saints, where different tribes gather to perform the ritual together.”[80]

During pilgrimages (ziyārāt), members of several tribes come to sacrifice sheep, goats, and sometimes bulls before the tomb of a saint (walī), in search of baraka or healing. These gatherings become moments of symbolic unity, in a shared sacred space. Furthermore, the sharing of sacrificial meat among members of the community (especially the poor) constitutes an act of social redistribution. It allows for the reaffirmation of solidarity, while respecting a precise hierarchical order 

Westermarck, influenced by moral psychology and comparative theory, also offers a symbolic and psychological reading of sacrifice. He compares certain Amazigh/Berber practices to those of other Mediterranean or even Nordic cultures, asserting that the origin of sacrifice could be linked to a universal human need for compensation or atonement. In this regard, Westermarck says: “The idea of​​sacrifice, even among Berbers, involves not only propitiation but also a sense of moral obligation or reparation.”[81] He highlights the fact that sacrifice is often accompanied by a personal vow (nadhr), and that its non-fulfillment is perceived as dangerous or harmful, which reinforces the moral and contractual dimension of the ritual.

While Westermarck adopts a respectful and empathetic stance towards Amazigh/Berber societies, his interpretation of sacrifice does not escape certain evolutionary biases. He speaks several times of “survivals” or “primitive forms” of religion: “These sacrificial customs may be traced back to primitive animistic ideas.”[82]

Such formulations suggest an implicit hierarchy of cultures, typical of the anthropology of the time. Postcolonial authors such as Talal Asad and Abdellah Hammoudi have criticized this perspective, emphasizing that these practices embody local rationalities, not archaic ones, but vibrant and meaningful in their own context. Hammoudi, in particular, shows that sacrificial rituals are often moments of power enactment: “Sacrifice, as an enactment of gift and debt, is a space where hierarchies, alliances, and rivalries are played out.”[83]

Westermarck's analysis of sacrifice among the Imazighen/Berbers is undeniably ethnographically rich. He restores its religious, social, and psychological dimensions, making it a pillar of local cultural practices. However, a contemporary rereading of his work invites us to dust off his theoretical framework to recognize sacrifice not as a trace of a bygone past, but as an active mode of constructing social bonds and meaning. 

The concept of 'âr among the Imazighen/Berbers in Westermarck's work: between collective ethics and social order

In his ethnographic studies in Morocco, Edvard Westermarck extensively documented not only religious beliefs and rituals, but also the moral and social structures that govern Amazigh/Berber societies. Among these structures, the concept of 'âr—often translated as “shame,” “dishonor,” or “humiliation”—occupies a fundamental place in the organization of community life. [84] It is a collective norm that regulates individual behavior through the fear of social scrutiny, much more than through formal coercive institutions.

In Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926), Westermarck shows that 'âr is a key element of tribal morality, acting as a powerful mechanism of social control. This dissertation proposes to analyze his interpretation of the concept of ʿâr, showing that he associates it with a community ethic based on honor, but also with codified practices of reparation and mediation. We will then offer a critical reading in light of contemporary anthropology.

Westermarck defines ʿâr as a moral emotion linked to the loss of reputation, particularly feared in Berber societies: “The Berber is keenly sensitive to shame (ʿâr), and every breach of custom likely to provoke public condemnation is carefully avoided.”[85] It is therefore not an internal or individual shame, but a social shame, attached to the opinion of others. The mere fact of being associated with a reprehensible act—theft, adultery, lack of hospitality, breaking a promise—can be enough to provoke 'âr, often considered worse than physical punishment. Westermarck notes: “In many cases, it is not the act itself, but its being known, that brings dishonor.”[86] This permanent social gaze functions as a diffuse moral tribunal, based not on written law but on custom and reputation.

The primary function of 'âr is to maintain the cohesion of the tribal group by deterring deviant behavior. Westermarck emphasizes its preventive nature: the fear of dishonor is often more effective than any formal sanction. He writes: “The fear of shame is a more potent safeguard of moral conduct than religious belief or legal penalty.”[87]

This is manifested in particular in strict adherence to the rules of hospitality, in the obligation of revenge in the event of an insult to family honor, or in the importance given to one's word. In this context, the âr becomes an instrument of social regulation that structures relationships between individuals, families, and clans. Furthermore, Westermarck observes that society has rituals of reparation to erase shame: requests for forgiveness, payment of compensation (diya), mediation by elders, or public acts of expiation.

Westermarck also connects the ‘âr with the code of masculine honor. ‘âr is the opposite of nîf (pride or personal honor), a central value in the identity of Amazigh/Berber men. Any attack on ‘âr implies a devaluation of nîf, which can lead to violent conflicts or irreversible ruptures. He writes: “To bear shame without responding is to lose all honor (nîf), and thereby one’s status as a man in the eyes of the group.”[88] Thus, ‘âr functions both as a social boundary and a test of virility, particularly in contexts of vendetta, marriage, or land disputes.

Although Westermarck offers an ethnographically insightful reading of the concept of ‘âr, he remains marked by an evolutionary and sometimes essentializing perspective. At times, he evokes a “primitive morality,”[89] which can be seen as reductive: “The Berber sense of honor and shame, though crude by civilized standards, functions efficiently within the tribal system.”[90]

Anthropologists such as Abdellah Hammoudi have since challenged this view, showing that notions such as ‘âr participate in complex logics of power, status, and negotiation: “‘âr is not a simple emotion, but a strategic tool in the management of social and political relations.”[91] For his part, Talal Asad invites us to reposition moral systems in their historicity and their relationship to religious and political authority, rather than considering them as fixed cultural survivals. 

Westermarck's study of the concept of 'âr among the Imazighen/Berbers constitutes a major contribution to our understanding of moral mechanisms in segmentary societies. By recognizing the centrality of social perception, reputation, and emotion in structuring behavior. He paved the way for an anthropology of everyday life deeply rooted in local observation. While his theoretical frameworks deserve to be revised today, his work remains a valuable testimony to Berber ethics and its social functions. [92] 

Traditional prophylactic methods among the Imazighen/Berbers according to Westermarck: between spiritual protection and popular wisdom

Among the many subjects of study pursued by Edvard Westermarck during his ethnographic travels in Morocco between 1898 and 1926, one of the most fascinating aspects concerns the traditional prophylactic practices of the Amazigh/Berber populations. These practices, which he documented in Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926), are empirical and ritual means implemented to prevent harm, whether from illness, the evil eye, bad luck, or attacks by djinns.

Westermarck sees them as a coherent system of protection, based not only on religious beliefs but also on pragmatic and experimental logic. The diversity of these prophylactic methods (amulet, incense, sacrifice, magic spells), their social roots, can offer a critical reinterpretation in light of contemporary anthropology.

Westermarck documents a variety of methods used by Imazighen/Berbers to protect themselves from harmful forces, perceived as omnipresent. These forces include djinn, the evil eye (ʿayn), sorcerers, and social jealousy. He describes the use of amulets (ḥijâb), worn from birth: “A child may wear a leather charm containing a Qur'anic verse, sometimes sewn into its clothes or attached to the head to protect it from the Evil Eye.”[93]

Other frequently observed preventive measures include incense (bkḥor), fragrant plants, henna-painted symbols, metal objects hung on clothing, and even incantatory formulas whispered before leaving the house. According to Westermarck: “Iron and salt are believed to have protective powers, and women often hang pieces of iron on their children’s clothes to avert harm.”[94] These objects and gestures are not part of folklore, but of a popular epistemology of risk, inherited and transmitted by women, healers, and marabouts. 

In addition to objects, the Imazighen/Berbers use specific rituals of purification and appeasement. Westermarck describes the “crushing of evil” (ḥriq) with fumigations, or even collective ritual baths: “Women frequently bathe their children with decoctions of herbs, reciting formulas intended to cleanse the body from spiritual contamination.”[95]

He also emphasizes the importance of prophylactic sacrifices, offered to avoid illness or accident, particularly during the construction of a house, a journey, or a wedding.[96] For example: “When a house is built, it is customary to kill a rooster at the foundation, so that it may absorb any misfortune destined for the inhabitants.”[97] Sacrifice here plays an apotropaic role: it deflects evil while symbolically sealing protection.

In a segmented and rural society, protection is not limited to the individual: it is also collective and territorial. Westermarck devotes extensive passages to the importance of saints (awliyāʾ) and their tombs as places of prophylactic refuge: “It is believed that the mere presence near a saint’s grave may afford protection against harm, particularly in times of sickness or social unrest.”[98]

Pilgrimages (ziyāra) to shrines serve to renew this protective baraka, particularly during epidemics or droughts. These practices illustrate an anthropology of the sacred woven into everyday life, where the boundaries between religion, medicine, and sociability are porous.[99]

Although Westermarck demonstrates a very subtle descriptive approach, he is not entirely free from evolutionary judgments. He sometimes describes these practices as “superstitious survivals” from a primitive past: “These preventive customs, though primitive, show a remarkable consistency within the tribal worldview.”[100] 

This type of formulation betrays a theoretical framework in which “modern” societies are implicitly opposed to “primitive” ones. Thinkers such as Talal Asad have criticized this approach by showing that these practices are the result of historical local logics, not mere archaisms. Similarly, Abdellah Hammoudi emphasizes that prophylactic gestures are part of a symbolic economy of power and social status, and not a naive irrationality. 

Through his ethnographic observations of traditional Amazigh/Berber prophylactic methods, Edvard Westermarck reveals a rich, coherent system of protection deeply rooted in daily life. Far from being mere “superstitions,” these practices reflect a reading of the world structured by collective memory, popular religion, and the lived experience of danger. While his interpretations deserve to be contextualized today, Westermarck's contribution remains fundamental to understanding the social rationality of so-called “traditional” knowledge.

The Amazigh/Berbers and their fight against evil spirits according to Westermarck: between rites, beliefs, and social strategies

In his ethnographic studies, Edvard Westermarck meticulously observed the religious beliefs and ritual practices of the Amazigh/Berber populations of Morocco. One of the richest aspects of his research concerns how these societies understand and combat evil spirits, particularly djinn, ghosts, and anonymous malevolent entities capable of disrupting health, fertility, or social order.[101]

These spirits are not marginally present in the Amazigh/Berber world: they constitute an invisible but active dimension, shaping protective practices, social behaviors, and ritual structures. Westermarck describes these symbolic struggles, analyzing forms of belief, exorcism practices, and community resistance mechanisms.

Westermarck distinguishes several types of invisible beings against which the Imazighen/Berbers seek to protect themselves. The most common is the djinn (plural jnūn), an invisible and ambivalent spirit, often malevolent. It can possess human beings, cause illness, accidents, or sterility. The author notes: “Djinns are believed to dwell in lonely places—ruins, wells, cemeteries—and to attack those who intrude upon their territory.”[102]

These beings are not poetic inventions, but rather causal agents in local representations of illness and misfortune. They can also take human or animal form, or whisper harmful words. Other spirits, such as the revenants of the unjustly treated dead, haunt the living to demand reparation.

Faced with these invisible threats, the Imazighen/Berbers implement a complex set of protection and expulsion practices. Westermarck devotes many pages to exorcism rites, [103] sometimes individual, often communal. One of the most widespread is the burning of incense (bkḥor): “Fumigations are used to cleanse homes of spiritual impurities and drive away malicious spirits.”[104] Amulets, Quranic formulas, salt, iron, and even certain medicinal plants are used to ward off or neutralize spirits. Specialists—female healers, fqih (religious scholar), or taleb (Koranic student)—play an essential role in these rituals.[105] Furthermore, ritual sacrifice can be used to appease an offended spirit: “A goat may be sacrificed at the suspected site of spiritual offense, and its blood sprinkled to satisfy the injured spirit.”[106] 

Westermarck also observes that protection against spirits involves recourse to local saints (awliyāʾ) and their tombs, considered places of baraka (protective blessing). He notes: “The dead saint continues to protect his followers from unseen dangers; many afflicted individuals seek refuge by sleeping near his tomb.”[107] The pilgrimages organized around these sites were part of a prophylactic framework, particularly in times of crisis (illness, drought, family conflicts). The saint's baraka then acts as a spiritual force field, capable of repelling harmful entities.

While Westermarck offers extremely rich and often respectful documentation, he remains influenced by an evolutionary vision, sometimes describing these practices as “superstitions” or “primitive beliefs”: “Their fear of spirits, although naive, reflects a consistent worldview shaped by ignorance rather than irrationality.”[108]

Anthropologists such as Talal Asad have denounced this gap between empathetic description and the unequal theoretical framework: “Even the most sympathetic anthropologies reinforce a knowledge-power relation in which local cosmologies are subordinated to Western categories.”[109Through his analyses of the Amazigh/Berbers' struggles against evil spirits, Westermarck reveals a society in which the visible and the invisible are closely linked. Djinns, ghosts, and malignant forces are not mythical figures detached from reality, but rather agents in a moral, social, and cosmic universe.[110] While Westermarck's approach is marked by certain theoretical limitations, it remains an essential source for understanding Berber spiritual anthropology and the mechanisms of symbolic resistance used to ward off evil.[111]

Berbers and the veneration of saints according to Westermarck: between popular religion and social order

The veneration of saints occupies a central place in traditional Amazigh/Berber societies, particularly in southern Morocco, where Edvard Westermarck conducted extensive ethnographic research between 1898 and 1926. In Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926), he devotes numerous chapters to these sacred figures, whom the Amazigh/Berbers call agurram, amghar n’rḥan, or sīdī. These saints are not only models of piety, but also powerful intercessors, community protectors, and agents of social cohesion.

Through his descriptions, Westermarck highlights the prophylactic, moral, and political dimensions of saint veneration. However, his approach, influenced by a certain Western rationalism, deserves to be reread today in light of postcolonial critiques. This dissertation will first explore the spiritual function of saints, before analyzing their social and symbolic role, while examining the perspective of the European researcher.

According to Westermarck, the Amazigh/Berbers' faith in saints is based on the belief in baraka, a supernatural force transmitted by God to pious people capable of influencing the world.[112] This baraka is conceived as an invisible but effective power that protects the living, heals the sick, and even fertilizes fields [113] or calms conflicts: “The saint is believed to possess baraka, a holy power which radiates through his body, clothes, and even his tomb.”[114]

The Amazigh/Berbers regularly visit the tombs of saints (qubūr l-awliyāʾ), often located on high ground or near water sources. They place offerings there, make wishes, and ask for healing or the resolution of family conflicts.[115] These visits are often accompanied by specific rites, such as circumambulating the tomb or ritually sleeping on the spot, believed to strengthen the connection with the saint's spirit: “Sleeping near the tomb of a saint is regarded as a means of receiving dreams, cures, and spiritual guidance.”[116]

Beyond the individual, the veneration of saints plays a fundamental role in the cohesion of tribal groups. Each tribe often has a patron saint, a guarantor of unity and justice, whose baraka acts as a regulating force.[117] Westermarck emphasizes that certain saints are considered supernatural arbiters, capable of punishing those who break social pacts: “People believe that those who swear falsely by a saint’s name will be punished by illness or misfortune.”[118]

Saints are therefore legal as well as religious figures. Their sanctuaries often serve as places of inviolable refuge in times of crisis or vendetta, ensuring a form of protective justice: “The sanctuary of a saint may provide refuge to criminals or debtors, and no one dares to violate it for fear of divine punishment.”[119] Thus, holiness becomes an instrument of social pacification in a segmented society where the state is often absent.

The veneration of saints also gives rise to community festivals (mūssem), where tribes gather around the tomb to celebrate the saint's memory through songs, ritual meals, sacrifices, and dances. These rituals strengthen collective identity, perpetuate the memory of ancestors, and foster marriage or business alliances: “The annual feast at the saint’s tomb is both a religious ceremony and a social fair where people from distant tribes meet and renew their ties.”[120] 

Pilgrimages (ziyāra) to these shrines inscribe the practice within a sacred geography, connecting the Imazighen/Berbers to a territory marked by the invisible presence of the saints and their power. Westermarck perceives here a popular religious structure, distinct from the doctrinal Islam of urban scholars,[121] but fully integrated into the spiritual experience of the Moroccan mountains and countryside.[122]

Westermarck, although admiring Amazigh/Berber fervor, sometimes describes these practices as superstitious or “primitive”: “The reverence of saints among Berbers is deeply rooted, but it reflects a form of religion shaped by ignorance and fear rather than understanding.”[123]

Critics such as Talal Asad have pointed out that this type of judgment reflects a Eurocentric view, in which popular religion is seen as an irrational deviation from a supposedly “civilized” norm. Asad writes: “Even the most descriptive and detailed ethnographies often reassert a hierarchy of knowledge, subordinating native cosmologies to modern epistemologies.”[124] Similarly, Abdellah Hammoudi has shown that the veneration of saints is based on complex political, social, and symbolic logics that organize hierarchies, religious authority, and collective memory in rural Moroccan societies.

The veneration of saints among the Imazighen/Berbers, as described by Westermarck, is not simply a matter of folkloric or emotional attachment. It constitutes a social, religious, and political institution in its own right, structuring relationships with the divine, authority, and the community. While Westermarck's interpretation is sometimes marked by an evolutionary reading grid, his work remains essential for understanding the centrality of saints in the Berber symbolic universe.[125] A critical reading allows us to restore these practices to their full complexity and depth.[126]

Edward Westermarck's explanation of superstition among the Imazighen

Edward Westermarck, devoted much of his research to the study of beliefs and social practices in Morocco, particularly among the Imazighen/Berbers. His pioneering approach, based on empirical observations and prolonged immersion in local communities, provided a nuanced view of the role of superstition in Amazigh/Berber daily life. This essay explores how Westermarck explained the phenomenon of superstition among the Imazighen, inserting it into a broader analysis of popular beliefs, social relationships and collective psychology.

From his earliest observations, Westermarck distinguished the official religion of orthodox Islam from popular beliefs, which he described as “superstitious.” For him, superstition among the Imazighen is not opposed to religion, but an extension of it adapted to everyday needs. He notes, for example, the frequent use of talismans (hruz), practices to protect against the evil eye (l'ayn), and the veneration of local saints. He argues: “Berber superstition is a mechanism for controlling chance, an attempt to reduce uncertainty in a world where natural causes are not always perceived as determinant.”[127] Westermarck thus shows that superstition is not purely irrational, but part of a cultural logic based on survival, prevention and community continuity. 

From a psychosociological perspective, Westermarck links superstitious practices to fundamental human emotions, notably fear and uncertainty. He explains that The Imazighen/Berbers live in an often hostile environment (aridity, tribal conflicts, disease), and that magico-religious beliefs enable them to symbolically regain control of their destiny. On the nature of superstition, he says: “Superstitions stem from a natural psychology. They appear as responses to states of emotional vulnerability.”[128] The functional aspect of superstition: it serves to allay individual and collective anxieties in the face of the unknown.

Westermarck points out that some Amazigh/Berber superstitions are based on repeated observations of the natural world. Agricultural calendars, meteorological signs and dream interpretations are often based on empirical knowledge transmitted orally: “Superstitious practices, far from being arbitrary, are rooted in collective experiences accumulated over several generations.”[129] This viewpoint allows us to consider superstition not as an intellectual aberration, but as a body of pragmatic knowledge adapted to a specific environment.

Westermarck also shows that superstitious practices play a part in social regulation. Taboos, purification rituals and beliefs about births and deaths reinforce community norms. He notes, for example, that misfortune is often attributed to a transgression of the sacred or to a curse, which encourages respect for the group's implicit rules. In this regard, he points out that: “Superstition operates as a system of moral and symbolic sanctions.”[130] In this sense, superstition is a social control mechanism that reinforces collective identity and solidarity.

Westermarck emphasizes the blurring of the boundary between religious and superstitious beliefs. Among the Imazighen, Islamic rituals coexist with pre-Islamic practices, such as offerings to nature spirits or fertility rites. This superimposition illustrates cultural continuity rather than contradiction: “What the Westerner classifies as superstition is often, for the Berbers, a lived religion, embodied in daily gestures.”[131] This approach calls into question ethnocentric categories of the religious and the superstitious.

Edward Westermarck's analysis of superstition among the Imazighen is based on a comprehensive, multidimensional approach. He not only describes popular beliefs, but also explores their psychological roots, social functions, cognitive value and religious dimensions. Far from discrediting these practices, he acknowledges their own rationality, based on experience, tradition and community needs. His work remains an essential reference for understanding the complexity of belief systems in rural and traditional societies.

As Esposito points out, Muslim folk religion often incorporates local practices that are described as “superstitious,” but which play an important role in the daily piety of believers.[132]

How other social scientists view the work of Westermarck on the Imazighen

Edward Westermarck (1862–1939), a Finnish philosopher, sociologist, and anthropologist, is renowned for his fieldwork in Morocco, particularly among the Amazigh/Berber population. His major works, Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco (1914) and Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926), are among the first in-depth ethnographic studies of Moroccan society. These works have generated numerous comments from writers and researchers, ranging from praise for their rigor to criticism of their biases.[133]

Westermarck is often hailed as a pioneer of North African ethnography. Anthropologist Ernest Gellner has highlighted the precision of his observations and his authentic immersion in local communities.[134] He calls him “the first modern ethnographer of Morocco”[135] and emphasizes his respectful approach: “Westermarck lived with the Berbers, spoke their language, and treated them not as exotic specimens but as people whose customs could be understood in their own logic.”[136]

Clifford Geertz, who himself studied Morocco, recognizes the enduring value of his research, even if its theoretical framework may seem dated: “If Westermarck’s sociology was still entangled with Victorian evolutionism, his data—rich, minute, and sympathetically recorded—remain indispensable.”[137]

Several critics have emphasized that, despite his desire for understanding, Westermarck could not completely escape the Eurocentric assumptions of his time. Moroccan sociologist Abdelmajid Arrif notes: “Westermarck’s lens was not innocent. His classifications often reduced the complexity of Berber belief systems to European models of ‘primitive religion'.”[138]

In a similar vein, historian Edmund Burke III speaks of a scholarly exoticism: “While Westermarck aimed for objectivity, his descriptions often leaned on tropes of the primitive, reinforcing a civilizational hierarchy between observer and observed.”[139]

Scholars differ on how to characterize Westermarck's approach. Some believe that his pronounced interest in magico-religious practices tends to folklorize Amazigh/Berber culture. However, others perceive genuine empathy in his narratives. Stefania Pandolfo underlines this ambivalence: “Westermarck was neither a colonial apologist nor a cultural relativist. His writings oscillate between empathy and fascination, often blurring the line between scientific documentation and narrative intrigue.”[140]

Susan Slyomovics highlights the literary quality of his descriptions and their ability to capture the spiritual intimacy of communities: “Few Westerners have written about Moroccan popular religion with the same level of intimacy and narrative grace as Westermarck.”[141]

Today, Westermarck's work remains an essential reference in Moroccan and Amazigh/Berber studies. However, contemporary scholars insist on the need to place his writings in their intellectual context. Dale Eickelman reminds us: “Westermarck provides a wealth of material that remains relevant, but we must read him with awareness of the intellectual environment in which he wrote.’’[142] This position reflects a balanced critical approach: recognizing the documentary value of his work while questioning his analytical frameworks.

Edward Westermarck's work on the Imazighen/Berbers has left a complex legacy. Both admired for its ethnographic richness and questioned for its Orientalist bias, it continues to attract scholarly interest. Critics agree in seeing him as a major author, whose writings are both field documents and objects of critical analysis. They invite us to reflect on the tensions between science and narrative, objectivity and subjectivity, observation and fascination. 

Conclusion: Westermarck among the Imazighen/Berbers, orientalist exoticism or rigorous scientific endeavour?

The Finnish sociologist and anthropologist Edvard Westermarck visited Morocco several times between the late 19th and early 20th centuries. His major work, Ritual and Belief in Morocco (1926), constitutes one of the first systematic attempts to document the religious beliefs and practices of Moroccan Imazighen/Berbers.[143]

This work, at the intersection of ethnology, sociology, and moral philosophy, raises a fundamental question today: was Westermarck's perspective that of a rigorous researcher, or did he reproduce the Orientalist schemata and exoticism of a European fascinated by the Other?[144]

This aims to demonstrate that while Westermarck's work has limitations related to its colonial context and evolutionary theoretical framework, it nonetheless remains a major, methodical, and innovative contribution, paving the way for an anthropology more attentive to the internal logic of Berber societies.[145]

Westermarck was one of the first European researchers to reside permanently in Morocco, learning dialectal Arabic, traveling by mule in remote regions, and living among the local populations. He adopted a method based on participant observation, well before this expression became common in anthropology: “I made careful notes of every fact and every custom as it was told to me, verifying by repeated inquiries.”[146] 

This concern for precision and objectivity, coupled with a visible empathy for local practices, demonstrates a sincere intellectual commitment. He is interested not only in major religious rituals, but also in everyday gestures, folk remedies, proverbs, and language usage.[147]

Moreover, this is not an isolated approach: his data are compared, cross-referenced, and classified with the aim of developing a general theory of human beliefs, which gives his work a clearly scientific scope.[148]

However, it would be naive to consider Westermarck's work as exempt from cultural bias. In several passages, he describes Berber religious practices as “primitive,” “naive,” and “superstitious,” expressions typical of the dominant evolutionary framework of the time: “These superstitions, although irrational, are firmly rooted in the daily life of the people.”[149]

This vocabulary suggests an implicit hierarchy between the “civilized” societies of Europe and the “archaic” societies of the South. Thus, even if Westermarck distances himself from the condescending tone of some Orientalists, he does not escape an unequal epistemology, as Talal Asad noted: “Even the most sympathetic anthropologists contribute to a structure of knowledge in which Western categories dominate and define the native experience.”[150] Similarly, Abdellah Hammoudi has shown that this type of ethnography naturalizes relations of domination by claiming to objectively describe cultural practices without grasping their social, political, or historical logic.[151]

Despite these limitations, Westermarck's work has profoundly influenced the study of Amazigh/Berber societies. His writings have been used by generations of researchers, both Moroccan and foreign, for their descriptive precision, their documentary richness, and their comparative perspective on religious phenomena. [152] He does not simply judge rites; he recognizes their internal coherence: “Their belief in saints and spirits is not random but woven into a coherent moral and social order.”[153]

Moreover, he highlights the social and therapeutic function of magico-religious practices, well before the advent of symbolic or structural anthropology.[154] Even today, researchers such as Vincent Crapanzano and Dale Eickelman recognize the founding value of his work, while calling for a contextualized critical reinterpretation.

Westermarck's stay among the Imazighen/Berbers cannot be reduced to pure Orientalist exoticism, nor to an ideal of neutral and detached science. It is an ambivalent approach, both marked by 19th-century European frameworks of thought, but also visionary in its focus on fieldwork, detailed description, and relative respect for local cultures.[155]

Contemporary reading of Westermarck must therefore combine scientific recognition and postcolonial critique in order to do justice to the complexity of his work and continue to draw inspiration from it to rethink the anthropological encounter.[156]

[1] Stroup, T. (1982b). Westermarck’s Ethics. Publications de l’Institut de recherche de la Fondation Akademi.

[2] A. J. A. (1934). [Review of PAGAN SURVIVALS IN MOHAMMEDAN CIVILISATION, by E. Westermarck]. Sudan Notes and Records, 17(1), 132–137. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41716076

[3] Bourqia, R., & Al Harras, M. (Ed.). (1993). Westermarck et la société marocaine. Faculté des lettres et des sciences humaines de Rabat.

[4] Westermarck, E. (1891). A History of Human Marriage. Macmillan.

[5] Westermarck, E. (1911). The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco. Folklore, 22(2), 131–182. https://doi.org/10.1080/0015587X.1911.9719472

[6] Melasuo, Tuomo. (2018). Edvard Westermarck et le Maroc. In Jacques/Jawhar Vignet-Zunz (Ed.), Jbala : Peuplement, langue et ruralité. CÉRIJ, Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Interdisciplinaires sur les Jbala.  

[7] Lyons, Andrew. (2018). A Revolutionary Anthropologist Before His Time: Intellectual Biography of Edward Westermarck. In BEROSE International Encyclopaedia of the Histories of Anthropology. Berose.

[8] Pipatti, O. (2024). Westermarckian Elements in Bronislaw Malinowski’s Anthropology. In The Origins Of Human Social Nature: Westermarckian Sociology and Social Anthropology (pp. 207-239). Springer International Publishing.

[9] Lyons, Andrew. (2018). Op. cit.

[10] Fogg, W. (1940). Beliefs and Practices at, or in Relation to, a Moroccan Tribal Market. Folklore, 51(2), 132-138.

[11] The Westermarck effect suggests that the incest taboo has psychological foundations. It proposes that sexual indifference or repulsion is an adaptive response that has evolved to prevent incest and the genetic problems that can result. Here's how it works: Individuals who grow up together develop a familiarity that inhibits sexual attraction. This inhibition is strongest if the individuals have lived together for a long period during their early childhood (usually the first few years of life). This generally applies to siblings, but can also apply to other relationships, such as parents and children, or children raised together in the same household. In short, the Westermarck effect suggests that the incest taboo is not just a social construct, but also has deep psychological underpinnings. It suggests that we are biologically programmed to avoid incest, and that this programming manifests itself in the form of sexual repulsion towards those with whom we have grown up.

[12] Westermarck, E. (1926). Ritual and Belief in Morocco, 2 vols (Vol. I, p. Vii). Macmillan.

[13] Graves, M. S. (2009). Visual Culture as Historical Document: Sir John Drummond Hay and the Nineteenth-Century Moroccan Pottery in the National Museum of Scotland. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 36(1), 93-124.

[14] Von Denffer, D. (1976). Baraka as Basic Concept of Muslim Popular Belief. Islamic Studies, 15(3), 167–186. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20847004

[15] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. I, p. viii.

[16] Ibid., vol. II, p. 47.

[17] Asad, T. (1973). Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter (p. 16). Ithaca Press.

[18] Westermarck, E. (1936). Methods in social anthropology. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 66, 223-248.

[19] Ginsberg, M. (1940). The life and work of Edward Westermarck. The Sociological Review, 32(1-2), 1-28.

[20] Westermarck. E. (1906-8). The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas (vols. 1-2). Macmillan.

[21] Gellner, E. (1958). The Far West of Islam [Review of Structures Sociales du Haut-Atlas, by J. Berque]. The British Journal of Sociology, 9(1), 73–82. https://doi.org/10.2307/587624

[22] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. I, p. vii.

[23] Pye, M. K. Suolinna, C. a. Hällström, & T. Lahtinen: Portraying Morocco. Edward Westermarck's Fieldwork and Photographs 1898-1913. Marburg Journal of Religion, 6(1).

[24] Sanderson, S. K. (2007). Westermarck, Edward (1862–1939). The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology.

[25] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. I, p. ix.

[26] Ibid., vol. II, p. 211.

[27] Amster, E. J. (2003). Medicine and sainthood: Islamic science, French colonialism and the politics of healing in Morocco, 1877–1935. University of Pennsylvania.

[28] Fogg, W. (1940). Op. cit.

[29] Asad, T. (1973). Op. cit., p. 16.

[30] Westermarck, E. 1914. Marriage Ceremonies in Morocco (vols. 1-2). Macmillan.

[31] Pastner, C. (1986). The Westermarck Hypothesis and first cousin marriage: The cultural modification of negative sexual imprinting. Journal of Anthropological Research, 42(4), 573-586.

[32] Westermarck, E. (1891). A History of Human Marriage. Macmillan.

[33] Bestor, J. F. (1999). Marriage Transactions in Renaissance Italy and Mauss’s Essay on the Gift. Past & Present, 164, 6–46. http://www.jstor.org/stable/651274

[34] Westermarck, E. (1914). Op. cit., vol. I, p. 8.

[35] Westermarck, E. (1899). The Nature of the Arab Ǧinn, Illustrated by the Present Beliefs of the People of Morocco. Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 252-269.

[36] Westermarck, E. (1914). Op. cit., vol. II, p. 193.

[37] Ibid., vol. I, p. 22.

[38] Asad, T. (1973). Op. cit., p. 17.

[39] Pipatti, O. (2024). Westermarck’s Moroccan Ethnography. In The Origins Of Human Social Nature: Westermarckian Sociology and Social Anthropology (pp. 151-170). Springer International Publishing.

[40] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit. 

[41] Lagerspetz, O. (2016). Introduction: Westermarck and modern evolutionary approaches to morality. In Evolution, Human Behaviour and Morality (pp. 1-11). Routledge.

[42] Haddon, A. C. (1927). [Review of Ritual and Belief in Morocco, by E. Westermarck]. Folklore, 38(1), 89–92. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1255743

[43] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. I, p. vii.

[44] Brown, K. (1982). The ‘curse’ of Westermarck. Ethnos, 47(3–4), 197–231. https://doi.org/10.1080/00141844.1982.9981241

[45] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. II, p. 320.

[46] Ibid., vol. I, p. 118.

[47] Von Denffer, D. (1976). Op. cit.

[48] Bošković, A. (2015). Westermarck (Occasional Paper No. 44 of the Royal Anthropological Institute) by Shankland, David. Social Anthropology/Anthropologie sociale, 23(1), 113-115.

[49] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. II, p. 89.

[50] Asad, T. (1973). Op. cit., p. 17.

[51] Hammoudi, A. (1997). Master and Disciple: The Cultural Foundations of Moroccan Authoritarianism (p. 29). University of Chicago Press.

[52] Vázquez, A. G. (2023). Ontografía, epistemografía y animalidad: la obra paremiológica en árabe marroquí del sociólogo finlandés Edvard Westermarck. Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Árabe-Islam, 72, 39-68.

[53] Westermarck, E. (1930). Wit and Wisdom in Morocco. A Study of Native Proverbs by Edward Westermarck with the assistance of Shereef’Abd-es-Salam El-Baqqali. George Routledge & Sons.

[54] Labouret, H. (1932). Wit and Wisdom in Morocco, a Study of Native Proverbs. By E. Westermarck, with the assistance of Sherîf Abd-es-Salam El Baqqali. 8vo, pp. 448. Routledge, 1930. 25s. Africa, 5(2), 228-229.

[55] Westermarck, E. & Brown, (1930). p. xii.

[56] Westermarck, E. (1930). Op. cit., p. 141.

[57] Munson, H. L. Jr. (1980). Islam and inequality in Northwest Morocco (Doctoral dissertation, The University of Chicago).

[58] Westermarck, E. (1930). Op. cit., p. 163.

[59] Westermarck, E. (1930). Op. cit., p. 178.

[60] Hakamies, P. (2016). Proverbs–A Universal Genre ? Genre–Text–Interpetation, 310.

[61] Cline, W. (1940). Proverbs and lullabies from southern Arabia. The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 57(3), 291-301.

[62] Margoliouth, D. S. (1932). [Review of Wit and Wisdom in Morocco: A Study of Native Proverbs, by E. Westermarck & Shereef Abd es-Salam el-Baqqali]. Folklore, 43(2), 240–242. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1256543

[63] Sersen, W. J. (2014). Stereotypes and attitudes towards slaves in Arabic proverbs: a preliminary view. In Slaves and Slavery in Africa (pp. 92-105). Routledge.

[64] Ibid., vol. I, p. xii.

[65] Ibid., vol. I, p. xiii.

[66] Frazer, J. G. (1890). The Golden bough, a study in comparative religion. Macmillan.

[67] Auchterlonie, P. (2021). Magic in Ottoman North Africa, 1570–1700, as Seen through European Eyes. In Magic in Malta: Sellem bin al-Sheikh Mansur and the Roman Inquisition, 1605 (pp. 503-520). Brill.

[68] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. II, p. 115.

[69] Asad, T. (1973). Op. cit, p. 16.

[70] Hammoudi, A. (1997). Op. cit., p. 44.

[71] What is Herbert Spencer's (27 April 1820 – 8 December 1903) theory? Herbert Spencer's theory is the theory that Spencer borrowed from Charles Darwin to explain how societies evolve and change over a period of time. He explained that society was like living organisms since it would begin in a simple form and then progress to a more complex form. Herbert Spencer's sociological theory centered on social evolution, viewing societies as developing progressively through spontaneous cooperation. He believed that societies, like organisms, evolve from simpler to more complex forms. Spencer's work encompassed evolution across various domains, including the physical world, biology, and the human mind. However, his theory of social evolution, according to some, lacks a direct analogy to biological evolution, particularly concerning the explanation of differences within a society. His ideas emphasized individualism and limited government intervention in social processes.

Cf. Harrison, Frederic. (1905). The Herbert Spencer lecture (1st ed.). Clarendon Press.

[72] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 620.

[73] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 622.

[74] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 630.

[75] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 633.

[76] Hammoudi, A. (1997). Op. cit ., p. 58.

[77] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 629.

[78] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 585.

[79] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 588.

[80] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 592.

[81] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 601.

[82] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 587.

[83] Hammoudi, A. (1997). Op. cit., p. 60.

[84] Katz, J. G. (2013). The 1907 Mauchamp affair and the French civilising mission in Morocco. In D. M. M. Rechter (Ed.), North Africa, Islam and the Mediterranean World (pp. 143–166). Routledge.

[85] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit, Vol. I, p. 165.

[86] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 167.

[87] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 169.

[88] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 171.

[89] Pipatti, O. (2019). Morality made visible: Edward Westermarck’s moral and social theory (p. 178). Taylor & Francis.

[90] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., vol. I, p. 172.

[91] Hammoudi, A. (1997). Op. cit., p. 74.

[92] Shankland, D. (2020). Westermarck, moral relativity and ethical behaviour. In A. J. Jacobs (Ed.), An anthropology of the Enlightenment (pp. 69–80). Routledge.

[93] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 243.

[94] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 248.

[95] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 256.

[96] Olsen, M. R. (2013). A Common Motivation—a Specific Style for Each Culture: Towards a Comparison of Wedding Rituals in Morocco. Yearbook for traditional music, 45, 164-186.

[97] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 587.

[98] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 103.

[99] Westermarck, E., & Lang, A. (1911). Totemism and Exogamy. Folklore, 22(1), 81-93.

[100] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 258.

[101] Dieste, J. L. M. (2012). Health and ritual in Morocco: Conceptions of the body and healing practices (Vol. 109). Brill.

[102] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 301.

[103] Mateo Dieste, J. L. (2015). “Spirits are like microbes“: Islamic revival and the definition of morality in Moroccan exorcism. Contemporary Islam, 9(1), 45–63. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-015-0311-6

[104] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 316.

[105] Spadola, E. (2009). Writing cures: Religious and communicative authority in late modern Morocco. The Journal of North African Studies, 14(2), 155–168. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629380802638018

[106] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 590.

[107] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 101.

[108] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 299.

[109] Asad, T. (1973). Op. cit., p. 16.

[110] Crapanzano, V. (1975). Saints, Jnun, and dreams: An essay in Moroccan ethnopsychology. Psychiatry, 38(2), 145–159. https://doi.org/10.1080/00332747.1975.11023900

[111] Eickelman, D. F. (1977). Form and composition in Islamic myths: four texts from Western Morocco. Anthropos, (H. 3/4), 447-464.

[112] Von Denffer, D. (1976). Op. cit.

[113] Boum, A. (2012). Re-experiencing Jewish-Muslim coexistence in urban Moroccan space. In L. B. Maris (Ed.), Sharing the sacra: The politics and pragmatics of intercommunal relations around holy places (p. 139).

[114] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 1.

[115] Al-Issa, I., & Al-Subaie, A. (2012). Native healing in Arab-Islamic societies. In A. S. Cohen & H. S. Schaefer (Eds.), Handbook of culture, therapy, and healing (pp. 363–386). Routledge.

[116] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 103.

[117] Westermarck, E., & Founders, R. (2008). Émile Durkheim versus: The new evolutionary social science: Human nature, social behavior, and social change. In The new evolutionary social science (p. 135).

[118] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 85.

[119] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 113.

[120] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 139.

[121]Bowen, J. R. (1984). Death and the history of Islam in highland Aceh. Indonesia, 38, 21–38. https://doi.org/10.2307/3350910

[122] Sakaranaho, T. (2010). Finnish studies on Islam: Themes and approaches. Temenos-Nordic Journal for the Study of Religion, 46(2), 157–174. https://doi.org/10.33356/temenos.4597

[123] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 4.

[124] Asad, T. (1973). Op. cit., p. 16.

[125] El Hour, R. (2022). Moroccan female saints in written and oral traditions: Lallā Mennāna, patron saint of Larache. The Journal of North African Studies, 27(1), 62–79. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2021.1918499

[126] Syliwoniuk-Wapowska, A. (2023). Sainthood as a Form of Capital: The Case of Maraboutism in Morocco. Asian & African Studies, 32, 38-59.

[127] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 87.

[128] Ibid., p. 211.

[129] Ibid., p. 307.

[130] Ibid., p. 115.

[131] Ibid., p. 242.

[132] Esposito, J. L. (2003). The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford University Press.

[133] Westermarck, E. (1911). The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco. Folklore, 22(2), 131–182. https://doi.org/10.1080/0015587X.1911.9719472

[134] Stroup, T. (1984). Edward Westermarck: A reappraisal. Man, new ser., 19(4), 575–592. https://doi.org/10.2307/2801757

[135] Shankland, D. (2022). Edward Westermarck, a master ethnographer, and his monograph Ritual and belief in Morocco (1926). In M. E. O’Donnell & A. L. D. Adams (Eds.), Ethnographers before Malinowski, 1870–1922 (pp. 117–149). Routledge.

[136] Gellner, E. (1981). Nationalism. Theor Soc, 10, 753–776 (p. 65). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00208267

[137] Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures (p. 21). Basic Books.

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[139] Burke, E. III. (1998). Arab encounters with Western empire (p. 76). University of California Press.

[140] Pandolfo, S. (1997). Impasse of the Angels: Scenes from a Moroccan Space of Memory (p. 33). University of Chicago Press.

[141] Slyomovics, S. (2001). The Walled Arab City in Literature, Architecture and History: The Living Medina in the Maghrib (p. 112). Frank Cass.

[142] Eickelman, D. F. (1985). Knowledge and Power in Morocco: The Education of a Twentieth-Century Notable (p. 147). Princeton University Press.

[143] Griffin, K. (1991). The ritual of silent wishes: Notes on the Moroccan sensorium. In The varieties of sensory experience (pp. 210–220).

[144] Ihanus, J. (2016). Westermarck, Malinowski and the ‘wild things’: At the interface between anthropology, sexology, and psychoanalysis. In T. Ingold & M. S. Engelhardt (Eds.), Evolution, human behaviour and morality (pp. 22–39). Routledge.

[145] Ibid.

[146] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. 1, p. xii.

[147] Young, M. (2004). Malinowski: Odyssey of an Anthropologist, 1884-1920. Yale University Press.

[148] Sersen, W. J. (2014). Stereotypes and attitudes towards slaves in Arabic proverbs: a preliminary view. In Slaves and Slavery in Africa (pp. 92-105). Routledge.

[149] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 299.

[150] Asad, T. (1973). Op. cit., p. 16.

[151] Asad, T. (2006). Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter. In A. Sharma & A. Gupta (Eds.), The Anthropology of the State (pp. 40–55). Blackwell.

[152] Pipping, K. (1984). 'Who Reads Westermarck Today?'. British Journal of Sociology, 315-332.

[153] Westermarck, E. (1926). Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 10.

[154] Westermarck, E. (1905). The influence of magic on social relationships. The Sociological Review, (1), 141-170.

[155] Westermarck, E. (1929). Memories of my Life. George Allen & Unwin.

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